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“I Just Want to Be Me, Authentically”: Identity Shifting Among Racially and Ethnically Diverse Young Adults

PMCID: PMC9958125

PMID: 36790651

Abstract

Identity shifting represents a common but complex social, behavioral, and cognitive phenomenon. However, some forms of identity shifting originate in response to structural, institutional, and interpersonal marginalization enacted on lower status groups, such as people of color in the United States. The current study investigated ways young adults from diverse ethnic/racial groups discussed shifting to fit in with White Americans (a dominant group) in the United States and their own ethnic/racial group (a minoritized group) and elucidated self-reported motivations for shifting. Participants consisted of 764 young adults (ages = 18–23) recruited from two large public universities in the Southeast and Southwest regions of the United States. The majority of participants identified as Black/African American (41%), Asian/Asian American (27%), or Hispanic/Latinx (22%). Analysis of participants’ qualitative responses identified six types of shifts and two motivations for shifting. The shifts included: behavioral, linguistic, cognitive, physical, food, and affect . Motivations for shifting focused on avoiding risks and obtaining rewards. The discussion offers interpretation of the results and recommendations for future research on identity shifting.

Full Text

Racism poses a significant challenge to positive identity development among people of color in the United States who experience discrimination at the individual, interpersonal, community, and societal level due to their race and ethnicity1 (Gee et al., 2012). In the United States, white supremacy and assumptions of white normativity serve as a developmental and social context that often require people of color to shift towards whiteness2 (Moffitt & Rogers, 2022; Spanierman, 2022). In such a context, it is common and, in some cases, necessary for individuals from racially and ethnically minoritized groups to shift or modify their identities to survive, adapt, cultivate a sense of belonging, and meet the demands and expectations of their social environment. This dynamic and multifaceted process has been described as identity shifting (e.g., Carr et al., 2021; Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003). This study examined how diverse college students engaged in outgroup (to fit in with White Americans) and ingroup (to fit in with their own ethnicity/race) identity shifting. In tandem, motivations for identity shifting were explored.
Identity shifting theory and research can be traced back to notions of a differentiated self (distinguishing the knower from what is known; James, 1890) and a looking-glass self (Cooley, 1902). Seeking to understand the experiences of Black/African Americans navigating individual, interpersonal, and structural systems of racism and marginalization, DuBois (1903) & Boykin (1986) both discussed how individuals of African descent in the United States construct a differentiated consciousness to maintain a sense of self in the presence of competing social demands and racism-related threats. For DuBois, this concept was described as double consciousness, or knowledge of the self as authentic and understanding the self through the eyes of others (White Americans). Boykin examined this concept in three parts, navigating mainstream White America, Black culture, and being an oppressed minority (i.e., the triple quandary) among Black/African American children. Both perspectives emerged from a critical need to understand the experiences of Black/African Americans in the United States and to advocate for equitable treatment and policy given the historical context shaping experiences of this group today. For example, the history of enslavement, which led to a loss of indigenous cultural values, practices, and languages, laws that defined Black/African Americans in the United States as property, policies that supported economic and educational inequality (e.g., discriminatory housing practices and “separate but equal” edicts), and persistent interpersonal, societal, and legal marginalization (Parham et al., 2015).
Expanding on this theoretical and empirical legacy, identity shifting is broadly viewed as a social, behavioral, and cognitive phenomenon that has been studied under the umbrella of several related concepts, including acculturation and biculturalism (e.g., LaFromboise et al., 1993; Meca et al., 2019), code-switching (e.g., Auer, 1998; Molinsky, 2007), cultural frame switching (e.g., Hong et al., 2000; Ramírez-Esparza et al., 2006), self-monitoring (e.g., Snyder, 1979), and impression management (e.g., Leary & Kowalski, 1990). While some literature describes the general ways individuals attempt to control their self-representations (e.g., self-monitoring, impression management), other perspectives have attempted to capture the experiences of marginalized identities, such as race (e.g., code-switching) and immigration status (e.g., alternating identity styles, cultural frame switching). This study examined identity shifting related to ethnicity/race.
Here, identity shifting is defined as self-altering strategies that individuals utilize to meet the perceived demands of their social surroundings as they pertain to one’s ethnicity/race. This may include altering aspects of one’s self-presentation (e.g., mannerisms, speech) to accommodate dominant society and/or aligning the self with one’s heritage to fit in with members of one’s own ethnic/racial group (Johnson et al., 2016). Shifting may represent an adaptive response to identity-threatening experiences or expectations of discrimination (Johnson et al., 2016). In this case, shifting may serve as a coping mechanism, which minimizes the degree to which ethnic/racial biases are directed toward individuals from minoritized groups. Shifting between cultural frames may also be indicative of an identity marked by compartmentalization and conflict (Benet-Martínez et al., 2021), which may instigate psychological distress (Dickens & Chavez, 2018).
In qualitative research focusing on the experiences of Black/African American women, researchers identified behavioral and cognitive types of identity shifting (Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003). Women altered their behavior to transcend racial stereotypes, scanned and examined the environment for threats, denied the role of discrimination, sought support in social, religious, and cultural communities, and actively resisted identity threats. In other work also involving Black/African American women, researchers identified three types of identity shifting including awareness of shifting behaviors, adopting the Strong Black Woman schema (i.e., being strong and resilient despite insurmountable challenges), and expressing sensitivity to judgment from the ingroup (Johnson et al., 2016). These types of shifting appeared to reflect cognitive and behavioral themes. In work involving Latina American women, researchers also identified three types of identity shifting comprised of altering one’s speech, behaviors, and mannerisms (i.e., cultural presentation appropriateness), demonstrating language appropriateness (e.g., knowing when to speak English and Spanish), and appealing to white ideals (e.g., food, beauty, modifying an accent; Gamst et al., 2019). Finally, in research involving Black/African American and Hispanic/Latinx college students on perceptions of acting white (problematic accusations that represent cultural invalidations), participants described four themes that are relevant for the current study: speech/behavior, style/social preferences, cultural ideologies, and academics/success (Durkee et al., 2019). Although not seeking to investigate identity shifting specifically, this study demonstrated participants’ awareness of complex racial issues and reflected their understanding of a potential identity threat (e.g., cultural invalidations from ingroup and outgroup members) that may influence shifting around ethnicity/race.
To date, some studies elucidated how people of color, particularly Black/African Americans, shift their identities to fit in with expectations from the dominant racial group (e.g., Dickens et al., 2019; Johnson et al., 2016), and implications of this form of shifting for health and well-being (e.g., Johnson et al., 2022), less research has explored this phenomenon among other racially marginalized groups. The current study built upon previous literature by including individuals from several ethnic/racial groups (e.g., Asian/Asian American, Black/African American, Hispanic/Latinx, and Multiracial). In addition, an inductive or data-driven approach to identify themes within participants’ responses that compliment and extend previous research on identity shifting was implemented.
Identity shifting can be expressed as an active or passive, and conscious or unconscious, phenomenon. In some cases, individuals may not be aware they are shifting their identities. For example, experimental work on stereotype threat (and responses to identity threat) hints at individuals’ unconscious cognitive and behavioral shifts (Steele & Aronson, 1995). The current study focused on conscious forms of identity shifting, which require knowledge that an action, thought, or behavior has or will take place.
In terms of antecedents, some research indicates awareness of social hierarchies precedes identity shifting (Gray et al., 2018). In this case, some individuals may modify or shift their language, behaviors, or self-presentation to fit their assessment of environmental threats and/or social expectations (e.g., Cole & Jacob Arriola, 2007; Lacy, 2004). This can happen in the moment as well as over time. Other research suggests changes must be within the person’s control for identity shifting to occur (e.g., Carr et al., 2021). For example, thoughts may be easier to shift than physical characteristics or language (e.g., an accent). Additionally, certain physical characteristics may be more identifiable and noticeable for some individuals (e.g., skin color, facial features, hair texture) and place them at greater risk for othering and harm (Eberhardt et al., 2006). Yet, there has been little research to explore the diverse ways people of color shift their identities based on reference group (e.g., dominant racial group vs. their own ethnic/racial group).
Further, research suggests that identity shifting is context-dependent (Carr et al., 2021). Thus, college campuses are an ideal context to study shifting because attending college may be the first place many young adults have meaningful encounters with racially diverse others (Gaither & Sommers, 2013; Solórzano et al., 2000). Although some students may have been taught to shift early in their development through family or school socialization (Umaña-Taylor & Hill, 2020), for other students, college may be the first time ethnic/racial identity shifting occurs (Chavous et al., 2018). Indeed, advances in cognition and identity development from adolescence into young adulthood allow individuals to think more deeply about shifting as well as structural inequalities and inequities that may affect their future (e.g., opportunities, interactions with peers, professors, and work; Syed & Mitchell, 2013).
Some people may engage in shifting towards the dominant group (i.e., outgroup shifting) to avoid perpetuating stereotypes and attempt to improve others’ perceptions of their group (Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003). For example, both John Henryism (Hudson et al., 2016; James, 1994) and the Strong Black Woman schema (e.g., Anyiwo et al., 2022; Watson & Hunter, 2016) contain elements of expending intense effort to overcome racial prejudice and social stress at the potential expense of one’s mental and physical health, as well as cultural resilience. In a university setting, outgroup shifting may be prompted by threats in the environment, including discrimination and race-related power dynamics, which manifest in the classroom through personal relationships with professors and peers (Nadal et al., 2014; Sue et al., 2009) and through university policies (Keels et al., 2017). For working college students, these experiences may also occur in the workplace (Gray et al., 2018). Considering the fundamental human needs around belonging and acceptance, there may be some perceived benefit for outgroup identity shifting, such as avoiding harmful consequences or reinforcing one’s self-worth.
Ingroup identity shifting among students of color has not been adequately explored, and there are unanswered questions around how and why individuals may shift their identities to fit in with their own ethnic/racial group. Some may engage in ingroup shifting based on the desire to maintain cultural heritage, fit in, and feel they belong with one’s group, and respect cultural norms. Others may do so to avoid accusations of acting white (Durkee et al., 2019). Indeed, the concept of intragroup marginalization captures the degree to which individuals feel detached, distanced, or even ostracized from members of their own cultural heritage group for engaging in behaviors aligned with the dominate majority group (Castillo et al., 2007).
In the current study, motivations for outgroup and ingroup shifting were expected to differ. For example, outgroup shifting may be motivated by a desire to avoid harm or gain acceptance by an outgroup in possession of societal power and privilege (e.g., Jones and Shorter-Gooden, 2003), while ingroup shifting may occur to gain a sense of belonging and avoid ingroup rejection (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Examining outgroup and ingroup shifting within the same study allows for an important and understudied comparison between the two processes.
The authors followed recommendations for thematic qualitative analysis (Creswell, 2013; Saldaña, 2016). In the first phase of analysis, the first author reviewed all participants’ responses for content, categories, and themes. Content and categories were collapsed into common themes that were informed by published literature (e.g., Gamst et al., 2019; Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003). During this phase of coding, all authors reviewed the categories and discussed emerging themes. This first round of open coding informed the development of a codebook, which contained six types of shifts and two motivations for shifting. The identity shifting codebook is publicly available (Westberg & Loyd, 2023). Once the codebook was established, the second author used it to code all responses for themes on a dichotomous scale (0 = absent, 1 = present). The types of shifts were coded in a non-mutually exclusive fashion such that each response could receive a “hit” for more than one type of shift. However, since motivations for shifting were expected to be oppositional, motivations were coded in a mutually exclusive fashion such that each response could receive a “hit” for only one of the two motivations. Responses could also be coded as a “miss” for all categories. Coding was conducted at face value without inference or interpretation and was based on the entire response as opposed to a certain feature of the response (Syed & Azmitia, 2008).
To establish interrater reliability for the types of shifts and motivations, two coding teams, each consisting of two trained coders, received the codebook and a spreadsheet containing either 80 outgroup or 80 ingroup responses. Each team met weekly with the second author to resolve major coding discrepancies until coding completion. At each meeting, coders were given the chance to change or maintain discrepant codes following a group discussion. The research team found acceptable interrater reliability for the types of shifts (average κ = 0.96) and motivations for shifting (average κ = 0.84; Table 1).
Six types of identity shifting were identified from the analysis of participants’ responses describing the ways they have tailored or altered their behaviors or self-presentations when interacting with White Americans to appear “more American” (outgroup shifting) or to fit in with their own ethnic/racial group (ingroup shifting). The types of identity shifting included: behavioral, linguistic, cognitive, physical, food, and affect. In the following sections, the types of shifting and motivations for shifting are discussed in order from most to least frequent (Table 2).
Behavioral shifts were the most frequently reported type of shift and were similarly frequent in reference to outgroup (n = 152) and ingroup (n = 147) shifting. However, the content of behavioral shifting varied based on whether participants were referencing the outgroup or ingroup. For example, behavioral shifts around the outgroup focused mainly on adapting to mainstream white culture. As one participant (Hispanic/Latinx) stated, “I definitely feel like I have to act more ‘proper’ and educated because I am a representation of my ethnicity3.” Notably, across types of shifting, some participants appeared to conflate ethnicity/race with class, where some participants equated professionalism and academics with “whiteness” or “being white”, which was sometimes viewed in contrast to their own ethnic/racial group. For some participants, “acting proper” or “more professional” were common ways of shifting their identity to fit in with the outgroup.
Considering the second research question, several themes emerged from the analysis of participants’ responses for why they have tailored or altered their behaviors or self-presentations when interacting with White Americans (outgroup shifting) or members of their own ethnic/racial group (ingroup shifting). Motivation themes fell under two broad categories: avoid risks or obtain rewards. Generally, risks and rewards were reported more frequently for outgroup shifting compared to ingroup shifting (Table 2). Across types of shifting and reference group (outgroup and ingroup), a common motivation for shifting was to avoid being different and to gain a sense of belonging. In the following sections, the specific content of themes around avoiding risks and gaining rewards for outgroup shifting and ingroup shifting are discussed.
Collins (2002) stated, “Knowledge without wisdom is adequate for the powerful, but wisdom is essential to the survival of the subordinate” (p. 257). Considering this perspective, identity shifting around ethnicity/race may be essential and necessary for survival among people of color in the United States (and minoritized groups in other countries struggling to overcome persistent racial hierarchies), despite the potential impact on one’s identity. The current findings appear to support the nuances of identity shifting based on reference group and emphasize the need for future research to employ a multidimensional and multi-intentional conceptualization of identity shifting.
Collectively, the findings support prior research indicating identity shifting to be a multifaceted and multidimensional process (e.g., Gamst et al., 2019). The current study elucidated several types of identity shifting around ethnicity/race, including behavioral, linguistic, cognitive, physical appearance, food, and affect. Findings support existing literature in confirming the myriad and complex ways individuals engage in identity shifting. Findings also aligned with prior research on identity integration and bifurcation (e.g., Benet-Martínez et al., 2021; Syed, 2010), in that some participants acknowledged compartmentalizing, and others noted integrating aspects of their identity based on the reference group. While responses reflect participants’ retrospective, current, and in some cases planned activities, additional research is needed to explore how identity shifting unfolds over time.
Behavioral shifting was the most mentioned form of identity shifting in the current study and captured changes to specific behaviors based on reference group. This theme captured active attempts to make oneself more or less noticeable, following traditions, and changing one’s preferences or behaviors to meet the reference group’s expectations. Notably, this theme also captured behaviors that would signal group membership. For example, one participant mentioned drinking Starbucks in reference to outgroup shifting, which is associated with higher class in some regions (Bookman, 2013). This finding also aligns with studies investigating how people of color “perform respectability” to gain upward mobility (e.g., Landor & Barr, 2018). Since exploring participants’ meaning making around race, ethnicity, and class is beyond the scope of the current study, additional research on this topic is needed. Additionally, examining how motivations for shifting vary based on economic background may be especially fruitful, as many motivations featured a desire to enhance social standing.
The theme around linguistic identity shifting aligned with prior literature on code-switching (e.g., Durkee et al., 2019; Jones & Shorten-Gooden, 2003) and other forms of language identity shifting. Since participants were specifically asked about the ways they changed their behaviors to fit in with the dominant outgroup and their own ethnic/racial group, it is not surprising that they reported shifting their language and speech in diverse ways, ranging from what language they spoke to how they spoke (e.g., slang, accent, tone, vernacular). Future research is encouraged to compare the challenge of linguistic shifting from outgroup or ingroup across different contexts (e.g., school, home, work). Since the survey items were administered in English, and we did not ask participants for language proficiency, additional research is needed to explore this process more thoroughly in bilingual/multilingual and non-native English speakers.
The findings around cognitive identity shifting were the most nuanced identity shifts explored in the current study. Although cognitive identity shifting has been identified in prior literature (e.g., Jones & Shorten-Gooden, 2003), findings from the current study captured the dynamic tension that exists for students of color around ethnic/racial identity shifting based on reference group. Findings from the current study elucidate the complexity of participants’ thoughts about identity shifting. In some cases, participants responses appeared to reflect mixed thoughts (Dickens & Chavez, 2018) and in other cases, a sense of bicultural conflict (Benet-Martínez et al., 2021) was noted. Perhaps, when one explores what it means to be a member of multiple cultural groups, individuals become more aware of subtle cognitive shifts. Cognitive identity shifting around the outgroup also captured an awareness of racial hierarchies and critical reflection (e.g., one component of critical consciousness; Hope et al., 2020), while cognitive identity shifting around the ingroup captured awareness of intragroup marginalization (Castillo et al., 2007). Thus, it is possible identity shifting is not necessarily “good” or “bad”. Instead, the potential impact of identity shifting may be contingent on the type of identity shifting, underlying motive, subjective interpretation, and perceived distress and conflict associated with identity shifting, as well as one’s current identity structure. Future research is necessary to more carefully capture the multidimensionality of identity shifting and to determine whether certain aspects, as well as certain motives and conditions, are associated with psychosocial functioning.
The inductive approach used in the present study allowed the authors to discern themes in unique ways (Dooley et al., 2020). For example, identity shifting around physical appearance, which referenced attempts to alter one’s dress, hair, make-up, and in some cases, skin color, was distinct from behavioral shifting, more broadly. Future research should further explore identity shifting around physical appearance to distinguish between normative identity exploration that is common among youth and young adults (Arnett, 2000) and physical shifts that occur due to institutional and structural bias (Jones & Shorten-Gooden, 2003). In addition, future research should explore gender differences in physical appearance shifting, as past work indicates women of color may experience unique forms of gendered racial bias and discrimination (e.g., Moody & Lewis, 2019; Thomas et al., 2008).
Findings regarding identity shifting around food also aligned with prior literature. For example, in exploring identity shifting in Latina American women, researchers similarly identified shifting food preferences to reflect white ideals (Gamst et al., 2019). The current study reveals that shifting around food preferences occurs for potentially different reasons based on reference group. For example, some participants in the current study reported consuming foods, which they do not prefer, to be accepted by outgroup members (e.g., appealing to white ideals) or avoiding cultural foods in the presence of White Americans. In contrast, other participants reported eating cultural foods based on preference and connection to the group. Identity shifting around food was also reported as a strategy to avoid intragroup marginalization and increase connection with group members. Overall, shifting around food occurred for myriad and complex reasons.
Findings around affect aligned with prior research on biculturalism and bicultural identity integration (Benet-Martínez et al., 2021), such that participants reported positive and negative feelings and emotions around ethnic/racial identity shifting. This was the case for both outgroup shifting and ingroup shifting, though outgroup shifting tended to be more negative (e.g., tense, anxious) while ingroup shifting tended to be more positive (e.g., free, relaxed). Additional research is needed to explore specific emotions around identity shifting, and importantly, the potential relationship between identity shifting, emotions (including emotional regulation), health, and well-being. Doing so may shed better light on the potential connection between identity shifting and overall adjustment among minoritized individuals and groups.
Motivations appeared to be both negative and positive in reference to outgroup and ingroup shifting. Across both outgroup and ingroup shifting, participants reported a desire to belong, fit in, and gain acceptance. Thus, shifting may be an attempt to fulfill a fundamental human need for acceptance and connection (Deci & Ryan, 2012). Furthermore, common risks included the fear of being othered or experiencing discrimination, potentially the need to avoid harm (e.g., emotional, social, psychological, and physical).
Although motivation around risks and rewards for both outgroup and ingroup shifting were observed, the content of participants’ responses did vary by outgroup and ingroup. For example, responses related to risks associated with not shifting to fit in with the outgroup (perceived fears) included foreigner objectification (e.g., Armenta et al., 2013) and physical harm. For ingroup shifting, participants were wary of cultural invalidations from their own group including intragroup marginalization and accusations of “acting white”. Although motivation was coded as mutually exclusive to differentiate when participants shifted to avoid something versus to gain something, future research should consider that motivations can have multiple intentions and seek to further explore the phenomenological meaning behind identity shifting. Essentially, motivations can be “and” rather than “or” (Overton, 2010).
Regarding rewards, outgroup shifting appeared to confer more benefits in educational and professional spaces, which, could be argued, were primarily viewed as “white spaces” by participants. Thus, it is possible shifting was perceived as necessary for educational and professional attainment or improving the perception of the group. One could argue these rewards are linked to risks. In contrast, rewards for ingroup shifting aligned with research on cultural values around family relationships (e.g., filial piety and familism; Meca et al., 2022) and general tendency for youth to gravitate towards biculturalism (Huynh et al., 2011; Schwartz et al., 2019). Consistent with recommendations focused on how bicultural youth engage in bicultural negotiation strategies (Meca et al., 2019; West et al., 2017), future research might explore the ways students of color maintain and sustain cultural values and heritage through shifting in the context of identity threats, and at the same time, explore how cultural identity development informs identity shifting.
Second, additional research is needed to explore participants’ phenomenological understanding of several complex concepts mentioned in the current study (i.e., whiteness, class). Although beyond the scope of the current study and limited by the data, there were several instances in which participants responses appeared to conflate race, class, and space (e.g., education and work were viewed as primarily white and affluent spaces). Future research should further examine how these ideals are perpetuated and adopted, and how culturally diverse individuals make meaning of these concepts and spaces (e.g., Cooper et al., 2022; Seaton, 2022). While this study focused on the experiences of individuals and offers unique insights into the diverse ways individuals navigate their social environment, future research should also explore contexts and structures that may prompt individuals and groups to engage in identity shifting. Additionally, the current study did not examine specific contexts where identity shifting may occur (e.g., peer, romantic partners, work, school, home) or specifically ask participants to identify where shifting may be occurring. It is possible specific forms of identity shifting occur primarily in school and work contexts or with specific groups (e.g., peers, family members, coworkers), and motivations for shifting in these contexts may vary.
Prior research has linked identity shifting to mental and behavioral health (Johnson et al., 2022; Durkee & Gómez, 2022). Although the data appear to hint at the potential for social and psychological outcomes (e.g., sense of belonging, acceptance, rejection), it was beyond the scope of the current study to examine the effect of identity shifting on other indicators of health and well-being. Moreover, there appeared to be some important variation in the content of shifts based on ethnicity/race and certain types of shifts may function differently based on ethnicity/race. However, the disproportionate sample sizes by themes did not allow for meaningful statistical comparisons across groups. Additional work is needed to disentangle how these shifts may relate differentially with mental health and other indicators of well-being based on ethnicity/race.
Based on previous research, mentions of identity shifting around name changes were expected. Research suggests that students may change their names to avoid mispronunciations and microaggressions (Kohli & Solórzano, 2012; Moore et al., 2020). However, changing one’s name was only discussed once and thus did not constitute a salient theme in the current study (see Westberg & Loyd, 2023). Future research might explore the frequency of this practice as a form of identity shifting and examine the potential impact of name changes on health and well-being among individuals from culturally marginalized groups.
The salience of ethnicity/race was evident in participants’ responses in the current study. Major shifts in the United States and globally around issues of diversity, equity, and inclusion since 2020 have led many institutions and organizations to address the racial climate. For universities, creating campuses of acceptance requires a re-imaging of educational spaces that includes education, training, and professional development for everyone in the ecological system. For instance, universities could use an equity assessment and evaluation process that assesses the conditions for institutions to implement sustainable change (e.g., Byrd, 2019; Harris & Bensimon, 2007). Education and training can allow for faculty, students, and staff to co-create a campus community that supports all students’ ethnic/racial identities. Based on the current study, training and education should explicitly seek to address and dismantle the reinforcement of whiteness as the standard to eliminate the pressure for minoritized individuals to shift. At the state and government level, polices aimed at reducing discrimination are also needed. Senate Bill 188 in California prohibits discriminatory actions based on hair texture and hairstyles; some have argued that a federal policy in the United States is necessary (Donahoo, 2021). Rather than simply placing burden on individuals to shift, such societal and structural changes are needed to reduce the potential for biased actions and discrimination to occur.

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This dynamic and multifaceted process has been described as identity shifting (e.g., Carr et al., 2021; Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003). This study examined how diverse college students engaged in outgroup (to fit in with White Americans) and ingroup (to fit in with their own ethnicity/race) identity shifting. In tandem, motivations for identity shifting were explored.\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR36\", \"CR14\", \"CR22\", \"CR7\", \"CR55\"], \"section\": \"Theoretical Foundations for Identity Shifting\", \"text\": \"Identity shifting theory and research can be traced back to notions of a differentiated self (distinguishing the knower from what is known; James, 1890) and a looking-glass self (Cooley, 1902). Seeking to understand the experiences of Black/African Americans navigating individual, interpersonal, and structural systems of racism and marginalization, DuBois (1903) & Boykin (1986) both discussed how individuals of African descent in the United States construct a differentiated consciousness to maintain a sense of self in the presence of competing social demands and racism-related threats. For DuBois, this concept was described as double consciousness, or knowledge of the self as authentic and understanding the self through the eyes of others (White Americans). Boykin examined this concept in three parts, navigating mainstream White America, Black culture, and being an oppressed minority (i.e., the triple quandary) among Black/African American children. Both perspectives emerged from a critical need to understand the experiences of Black/African Americans in the United States and to advocate for equitable treatment and policy given the historical context shaping experiences of this group today. For example, the history of enslavement, which led to a loss of indigenous cultural values, practices, and languages, laws that defined Black/African Americans in the United States as property, policies that supported economic and educational inequality (e.g., discriminatory housing practices and \\u201cseparate but equal\\u201d edicts), and persistent interpersonal, societal, and legal marginalization (Parham et al., 2015).\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR43\", \"CR48\", \"CR4\", \"CR50\", \"CR31\", \"CR56\", \"CR60\", \"CR45\"], \"section\": \"Theoretical Foundations for Identity Shifting\", \"text\": \"Expanding on this theoretical and empirical legacy, identity shifting is broadly viewed as a social, behavioral, and cognitive phenomenon that has been studied under the umbrella of several related concepts, including acculturation and biculturalism (e.g., LaFromboise et al., 1993; Meca et al., 2019), code-switching (e.g., Auer, 1998; Molinsky, 2007), cultural frame switching (e.g., Hong et al., 2000; Ram\\u00edrez-Esparza et al., 2006), self-monitoring (e.g., Snyder, 1979), and impression management (e.g., Leary & Kowalski, 1990). While some literature describes the general ways individuals attempt to control their self-representations (e.g., self-monitoring, impression management), other perspectives have attempted to capture the experiences of marginalized identities, such as race (e.g., code-switching) and immigration status (e.g., alternating identity styles, cultural frame switching). This study examined identity shifting related to ethnicity/race.\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR37\", \"CR37\", \"CR5\", \"CR18\"], \"section\": \"Conceptualizing Identity Shifting\", \"text\": \"Here, identity shifting is defined as self-altering strategies that individuals utilize to meet the perceived demands of their social surroundings as they pertain to one\\u2019s ethnicity/race. This may include altering aspects of one\\u2019s self-presentation (e.g., mannerisms, speech) to accommodate dominant society and/or aligning the self with one\\u2019s heritage to fit in with members of one\\u2019s own ethnic/racial group (Johnson et al., 2016). Shifting may represent an adaptive response to identity-threatening experiences or expectations of discrimination (Johnson et al., 2016). In this case, shifting may serve as a coping mechanism, which minimizes the degree to which ethnic/racial biases are directed toward individuals from minoritized groups. Shifting between cultural frames may also be indicative of an identity marked by compartmentalization and conflict (Benet-Mart\\u00ednez et al., 2021), which may instigate psychological distress (Dickens & Chavez, 2018).\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR39\", \"CR37\", \"CR27\", \"CR24\"], \"section\": \"Conceptualizing Identity Shifting\", \"text\": \"In qualitative research focusing on the experiences of Black/African American women, researchers identified behavioral and cognitive types of identity shifting (Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003). Women altered their behavior to transcend racial stereotypes, scanned and examined the environment for threats, denied the role of discrimination, sought support in social, religious, and cultural communities, and actively resisted identity threats. In other work also involving Black/African American women, researchers identified three types of identity shifting including awareness of shifting behaviors, adopting the Strong Black Woman schema (i.e., being strong and resilient despite insurmountable challenges), and expressing sensitivity to judgment from the ingroup (Johnson et al., 2016). These types of shifting appeared to reflect cognitive and behavioral themes. In work involving Latina American women, researchers also identified three types of identity shifting comprised of altering one\\u2019s speech, behaviors, and mannerisms (i.e., cultural presentation appropriateness), demonstrating language appropriateness (e.g., knowing when to speak English and Spanish), and appealing to white ideals (e.g., food, beauty, modifying an accent; Gamst et al., 2019). Finally, in research involving Black/African American and Hispanic/Latinx college students on perceptions of acting white (problematic accusations that represent cultural invalidations), participants described four themes that are relevant for the current study: speech/behavior, style/social preferences, cultural ideologies, and academics/success (Durkee et al., 2019). Although not seeking to investigate identity shifting specifically, this study demonstrated participants\\u2019 awareness of complex racial issues and reflected their understanding of a potential identity threat (e.g., cultural invalidations from ingroup and outgroup members) that may influence shifting around ethnicity/race.\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR19\", \"CR37\", \"CR38\"], \"section\": \"Conceptualizing Identity Shifting\", \"text\": \"To date, some studies elucidated how people of color, particularly Black/African Americans, shift their identities to fit in with expectations from the dominant racial group (e.g., Dickens et al., 2019; Johnson et al., 2016), and implications of this form of shifting for health and well-being (e.g., Johnson et al., 2022), less research has explored this phenomenon among other racially marginalized groups. The current study built upon previous literature by including individuals from several ethnic/racial groups (e.g., Asian/Asian American, Black/African American, Hispanic/Latinx, and Multiracial). In addition, an inductive or data-driven approach to identify themes within participants\\u2019 responses that compliment and extend previous research on identity shifting was implemented.\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR63\"], \"section\": \"When Might Identity Shifting Occur and Why?\", \"text\": \"Identity shifting can be expressed as an active or passive, and conscious or unconscious, phenomenon. In some cases, individuals may not be aware they are shifting their identities. For example, experimental work on stereotype threat (and responses to identity threat) hints at individuals\\u2019 unconscious cognitive and behavioral shifts (Steele & Aronson, 1995). The current study focused on conscious forms of identity shifting, which require knowledge that an action, thought, or behavior has or will take place.\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR29\", \"CR12\", \"CR42\", \"CR9\", \"CR25\"], \"section\": \"When Might Identity Shifting Occur and Why?\", \"text\": \"In terms of antecedents, some research indicates awareness of social hierarchies precedes identity shifting (Gray et al., 2018). In this case, some individuals may modify or shift their language, behaviors, or self-presentation to fit their assessment of environmental threats and/or social expectations (e.g., Cole & Jacob Arriola, 2007; Lacy, 2004). This can happen in the moment as well as over time. Other research suggests changes must be within the person\\u2019s control for identity shifting to occur (e.g., Carr et al., 2021). For example, thoughts may be easier to shift than physical characteristics or language (e.g., an accent). Additionally, certain physical characteristics may be more identifiable and noticeable for some individuals (e.g., skin color, facial features, hair texture) and place them at greater risk for othering and harm (Eberhardt et al., 2006). Yet, there has been little research to explore the diverse ways people of color shift their identities based on reference group (e.g., dominant racial group vs. their own ethnic/racial group).\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR9\", \"CR26\", \"CR61\", \"CR70\", \"CR11\", \"CR67\"], \"section\": \"When Might Identity Shifting Occur and Why?\", \"text\": \"Further, research suggests that identity shifting is context-dependent (Carr et al., 2021). Thus, college campuses are an ideal context to study shifting because attending college may be the first place many young adults have meaningful encounters with racially diverse others (Gaither & Sommers, 2013; Sol\\u00f3rzano et al., 2000). Although some students may have been taught to shift early in their development through family or school socialization (Uma\\u00f1a-Taylor & Hill, 2020), for other students, college may be the first time ethnic/racial identity shifting occurs (Chavous et al., 2018). Indeed, advances in cognition and identity development from adolescence into young adulthood allow individuals to think more deeply about shifting as well as structural inequalities and inequities that may affect their future (e.g., opportunities, interactions with peers, professors, and work; Syed & Mitchell, 2013).\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR39\", \"CR33\", \"CR35\", \"CR1\", \"CR72\", \"CR53\", \"CR64\", \"CR40\", \"CR29\"], \"section\": \"When Might Identity Shifting Occur and Why?\", \"text\": \"Some people may engage in shifting towards the dominant group (i.e., outgroup shifting) to avoid perpetuating stereotypes and attempt to improve others\\u2019 perceptions of their group (Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003). For example, both John Henryism (Hudson et al., 2016; James, 1994) and the Strong Black Woman schema (e.g., Anyiwo et al., 2022; Watson & Hunter, 2016) contain elements of expending intense effort to overcome racial prejudice and social stress at the potential expense of one\\u2019s mental and physical health, as well as cultural resilience. In a university setting, outgroup shifting may be prompted by threats in the environment, including discrimination and race-related power dynamics, which manifest in the classroom through personal relationships with professors and peers (Nadal et al., 2014; Sue et al., 2009) and through university policies (Keels et al., 2017). For working college students, these experiences may also occur in the workplace (Gray et al., 2018). Considering the fundamental human needs around belonging and acceptance, there may be some perceived benefit for outgroup identity shifting, such as avoiding harmful consequences or reinforcing one\\u2019s self-worth.\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR24\", \"CR10\"], \"section\": \"When Might Identity Shifting Occur and Why?\", \"text\": \"Ingroup identity shifting among students of color has not been adequately explored, and there are unanswered questions around how and why individuals may shift their identities to fit in with their own ethnic/racial group. Some may engage in ingroup shifting based on the desire to maintain cultural heritage, fit in, and feel they belong with one\\u2019s group, and respect cultural norms. Others may do so to avoid accusations of acting white (Durkee et al., 2019). Indeed, the concept of intragroup marginalization captures the degree to which individuals feel detached, distanced, or even ostracized from members of their own cultural heritage group for engaging in behaviors aligned with the dominate majority group (Castillo et al., 2007).\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR39\", \"CR68\"], \"section\": \"When Might Identity Shifting Occur and Why?\", \"text\": \"In the current study, motivations for outgroup and ingroup shifting were expected to differ. For example, outgroup shifting may be motivated by a desire to avoid harm or gain acceptance by an outgroup in possession of societal power and privilege (e.g., Jones and Shorter-Gooden, 2003), while ingroup shifting may occur to gain a sense of belonging and avoid ingroup rejection (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Examining outgroup and ingroup shifting within the same study allows for an important and understudied comparison between the two processes.\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR16\", \"CR57\", \"CR27\", \"CR39\", \"CR74\", \"CR66\"], \"section\": \"Qualitative Analysis\", \"text\": \"The authors followed recommendations for thematic qualitative analysis (Creswell, 2013; Salda\\u00f1a, 2016). In the first phase of analysis, the first author reviewed all participants\\u2019 responses for content, categories, and themes. Content and categories were collapsed into common themes that were informed by published literature (e.g., Gamst et al., 2019; Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003). During this phase of coding, all authors reviewed the categories and discussed emerging themes. This first round of open coding informed the development of a codebook, which contained six types of shifts and two motivations for shifting. The identity shifting codebook is publicly available (Westberg & Loyd, 2023). Once the codebook was established, the second author used it to code all responses for themes on a dichotomous scale (0\\u2009=\\u2009absent, 1\\u2009=\\u2009present). The types of shifts were coded in a non-mutually exclusive fashion such that each response could receive a \\u201chit\\u201d for more than one type of shift. However, since motivations for shifting were expected to be oppositional, motivations were coded in a mutually exclusive fashion such that each response could receive a \\u201chit\\u201d for only one of the two motivations. Responses could also be coded as a \\u201cmiss\\u201d for all categories. Coding was conducted at face value without inference or interpretation and was based on the entire response as opposed to a certain feature of the response (Syed & Azmitia, 2008).\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"Tab1\"], \"section\": \"Qualitative Analysis\", \"text\": \"To establish interrater reliability for the types of shifts and motivations, two coding teams, each consisting of two trained coders, received the codebook and a spreadsheet containing either 80 outgroup or 80 ingroup responses. Each team met weekly with the second author to resolve major coding discrepancies until coding completion. At each meeting, coders were given the chance to change or maintain discrepant codes following a group discussion. The research team found acceptable interrater reliability for the types of shifts (average \\u03ba\\u2009=\\u20090.96) and motivations for shifting (average \\u03ba\\u2009=\\u20090.84; Table 1).\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"Tab2\"], \"section\": \"Types of Identity Shifting\", \"text\": \"Six types of identity shifting were identified from the analysis of participants\\u2019 responses describing the ways they have tailored or altered their behaviors or self-presentations when interacting with White Americans to appear \\u201cmore American\\u201d (outgroup shifting) or to fit in with their own ethnic/racial group (ingroup shifting). The types of identity shifting included: behavioral, linguistic, cognitive, physical, food, and affect. In the following sections, the types of shifting and motivations for shifting are discussed in order from most to least frequent (Table 2).\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"Fn3\"], \"section\": \"Behavioral\", \"text\": \"Behavioral shifts were the most frequently reported type of shift and were similarly frequent in reference to outgroup (n\\u2009=\\u2009152) and ingroup (n\\u2009=\\u2009147) shifting. However, the content of behavioral shifting varied based on whether participants were referencing the outgroup or ingroup. For example, behavioral shifts around the outgroup focused mainly on adapting to mainstream white culture. As one participant (Hispanic/Latinx) stated, \\u201cI definitely feel like I have to act more \\u2018proper\\u2019 and educated because I am a representation of my ethnicity3.\\u201d Notably, across types of shifting, some participants appeared to conflate ethnicity/race with class, where some participants equated professionalism and academics with \\u201cwhiteness\\u201d or \\u201cbeing white\\u201d, which was sometimes viewed in contrast to their own ethnic/racial group. For some participants, \\u201cacting proper\\u201d or \\u201cmore professional\\u201d were common ways of shifting their identity to fit in with the outgroup.\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"Tab2\"], \"section\": \"Motivations for Identity Shifting\", \"text\": \"Considering the second research question, several themes emerged from the analysis of participants\\u2019 responses for why they have tailored or altered their behaviors or self-presentations when interacting with White Americans (outgroup shifting) or members of their own ethnic/racial group (ingroup shifting). Motivation themes fell under two broad categories: avoid risks or obtain rewards. Generally, risks and rewards were reported more frequently for outgroup shifting compared to ingroup shifting (Table 2). Across types of shifting and reference group (outgroup and ingroup), a common motivation for shifting was to avoid being different and to gain a sense of belonging. In the following sections, the specific content of themes around avoiding risks and gaining rewards for outgroup shifting and ingroup shifting are discussed.\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR13\"], \"section\": \"Types of Identity Shifting\", \"text\": \"Collins (2002) stated, \\u201cKnowledge without wisdom is adequate for the powerful, but wisdom is essential to the survival of the subordinate\\u201d (p. 257). Considering this perspective, identity shifting around ethnicity/race may be essential and necessary for survival among people of color in the United States (and minoritized groups in other countries struggling to overcome persistent racial hierarchies), despite the potential impact on one\\u2019s identity. The current findings appear to support the nuances of identity shifting based on reference group and emphasize the need for future research to employ a multidimensional and multi-intentional conceptualization of identity shifting.\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR27\", \"CR5\", \"CR65\"], \"section\": \"Types of Identity Shifting\", \"text\": \"Collectively, the findings support prior research indicating identity shifting to be a multifaceted and multidimensional process (e.g., Gamst et al., 2019). The current study elucidated several types of identity shifting around ethnicity/race, including behavioral, linguistic, cognitive, physical appearance, food, and affect. Findings support existing literature in confirming the myriad and complex ways individuals engage in identity shifting. Findings also aligned with prior research on identity integration and bifurcation (e.g., Benet-Mart\\u00ednez et al., 2021; Syed, 2010), in that some participants acknowledged compartmentalizing, and others noted integrating aspects of their identity based on the reference group. While responses reflect participants\\u2019 retrospective, current, and in some cases planned activities, additional research is needed to explore how identity shifting unfolds over time.\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR6\", \"CR44\"], \"section\": \"Types of Identity Shifting\", \"text\": \"Behavioral shifting was the most mentioned form of identity shifting in the current study and captured changes to specific behaviors based on reference group. This theme captured active attempts to make oneself more or less noticeable, following traditions, and changing one\\u2019s preferences or behaviors to meet the reference group\\u2019s expectations. Notably, this theme also captured behaviors that would signal group membership. For example, one participant mentioned drinking Starbucks in reference to outgroup shifting, which is associated with higher class in some regions (Bookman, 2013). This finding also aligns with studies investigating how people of color \\u201cperform respectability\\u201d to gain upward mobility (e.g., Landor & Barr, 2018). Since exploring participants\\u2019 meaning making around race, ethnicity, and class is beyond the scope of the current study, additional research on this topic is needed. Additionally, examining how motivations for shifting vary based on economic background may be especially fruitful, as many motivations featured a desire to enhance social standing.\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR24\", \"CR39\"], \"section\": \"Types of Identity Shifting\", \"text\": \"The theme around linguistic identity shifting aligned with prior literature on code-switching (e.g., Durkee et al., 2019; Jones & Shorten-Gooden, 2003) and other forms of language identity shifting. Since participants were specifically asked about the ways they changed their behaviors to fit in with the dominant outgroup and their own ethnic/racial group, it is not surprising that they reported shifting their language and speech in diverse ways, ranging from what language they spoke to how they spoke (e.g., slang, accent, tone, vernacular). Future research is encouraged to compare the challenge of linguistic shifting from outgroup or ingroup across different contexts (e.g., school, home, work). Since the survey items were administered in English, and we did not ask participants for language proficiency, additional research is needed to explore this process more thoroughly in bilingual/multilingual and non-native English speakers.\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR39\", \"CR18\", \"CR5\", \"CR32\", \"CR10\"], \"section\": \"Types of Identity Shifting\", \"text\": \"The findings around cognitive identity shifting were the most nuanced identity shifts explored in the current study. Although cognitive identity shifting has been identified in prior literature (e.g., Jones & Shorten-Gooden, 2003), findings from the current study captured the dynamic tension that exists for students of color around ethnic/racial identity shifting based on reference group. Findings from the current study elucidate the complexity of participants\\u2019 thoughts about identity shifting. In some cases, participants responses appeared to reflect mixed thoughts (Dickens & Chavez, 2018) and in other cases, a sense of bicultural conflict (Benet-Mart\\u00ednez et al., 2021) was noted. Perhaps, when one explores what it means to be a member of multiple cultural groups, individuals become more aware of subtle cognitive shifts. Cognitive identity shifting around the outgroup also captured an awareness of racial hierarchies and critical reflection (e.g., one component of critical consciousness; Hope et al., 2020), while cognitive identity shifting around the ingroup captured awareness of intragroup marginalization (Castillo et al., 2007). Thus, it is possible identity shifting is not necessarily \\u201cgood\\u201d or \\u201cbad\\u201d. Instead, the potential impact of identity shifting may be contingent on the type of identity shifting, underlying motive, subjective interpretation, and perceived distress and conflict associated with identity shifting, as well as one\\u2019s current identity structure. Future research is necessary to more carefully capture the multidimensionality of identity shifting and to determine whether certain aspects, as well as certain motives and conditions, are associated with psychosocial functioning.\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR21\", \"CR3\", \"CR39\", \"CR51\", \"CR69\"], \"section\": \"Types of Identity Shifting\", \"text\": \"The inductive approach used in the present study allowed the authors to discern themes in unique ways (Dooley et al., 2020). For example, identity shifting around physical appearance, which referenced attempts to alter one\\u2019s dress, hair, make-up, and in some cases, skin color, was distinct from behavioral shifting, more broadly. Future research should further explore identity shifting around physical appearance to distinguish between normative identity exploration that is common among youth and young adults (Arnett, 2000) and physical shifts that occur due to institutional and structural bias (Jones & Shorten-Gooden, 2003). In addition, future research should explore gender differences in physical appearance shifting, as past work indicates women of color may experience unique forms of gendered racial bias and discrimination (e.g., Moody & Lewis, 2019; Thomas et al., 2008).\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR27\"], \"section\": \"Types of Identity Shifting\", \"text\": \"Findings regarding identity shifting around food also aligned with prior literature. For example, in exploring identity shifting in Latina American women, researchers similarly identified shifting food preferences to reflect white ideals (Gamst et al., 2019). The current study reveals that shifting around food preferences occurs for potentially different reasons based on reference group. For example, some participants in the current study reported consuming foods, which they do not prefer, to be accepted by outgroup members (e.g., appealing to white ideals) or avoiding cultural foods in the presence of White Americans. In contrast, other participants reported eating cultural foods based on preference and connection to the group. Identity shifting around food was also reported as a strategy to avoid intragroup marginalization and increase connection with group members. Overall, shifting around food occurred for myriad and complex reasons.\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR5\"], \"section\": \"Types of Identity Shifting\", \"text\": \"Findings around affect aligned with prior research on biculturalism and bicultural identity integration (Benet-Mart\\u00ednez et al., 2021), such that participants reported positive and negative feelings and emotions around ethnic/racial identity shifting. This was the case for both outgroup shifting and ingroup shifting, though outgroup shifting tended to be more negative (e.g., tense, anxious) while ingroup shifting tended to be more positive (e.g., free, relaxed). Additional research is needed to explore specific emotions around identity shifting, and importantly, the potential relationship between identity shifting, emotions (including emotional regulation), health, and well-being. Doing so may shed better light on the potential connection between identity shifting and overall adjustment among minoritized individuals and groups.\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR17\"], \"section\": \"Motivations for Identity Shifting\", \"text\": \"Motivations appeared to be both negative and positive in reference to outgroup and ingroup shifting. Across both outgroup and ingroup shifting, participants reported a desire to belong, fit in, and gain acceptance. Thus, shifting may be an attempt to fulfill a fundamental human need for acceptance and connection (Deci & Ryan, 2012). Furthermore, common risks included the fear of being othered or experiencing discrimination, potentially the need to avoid harm (e.g., emotional, social, psychological, and physical).\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR2\", \"CR54\"], \"section\": \"Motivations for Identity Shifting\", \"text\": \"Although motivation around risks and rewards for both outgroup and ingroup shifting were observed, the content of participants\\u2019 responses did vary by outgroup and ingroup. For example, responses related to risks associated with not shifting to fit in with the outgroup (perceived fears) included foreigner objectification (e.g., Armenta et al., 2013) and physical harm. For ingroup shifting, participants were wary of cultural invalidations from their own group including intragroup marginalization and accusations of \\u201cacting white\\u201d. Although motivation was coded as mutually exclusive to differentiate when participants shifted to avoid something versus to gain something, future research should consider that motivations can have multiple intentions and seek to further explore the phenomenological meaning behind identity shifting. Essentially, motivations can be \\u201cand\\u201d rather than \\u201cor\\u201d (Overton, 2010).\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR47\", \"CR34\", \"CR59\", \"CR48\", \"CR73\"], \"section\": \"Motivations for Identity Shifting\", \"text\": \"Regarding rewards, outgroup shifting appeared to confer more benefits in educational and professional spaces, which, could be argued, were primarily viewed as \\u201cwhite spaces\\u201d by participants. Thus, it is possible shifting was perceived as necessary for educational and professional attainment or improving the perception of the group. One could argue these rewards are linked to risks. In contrast, rewards for ingroup shifting aligned with research on cultural values around family relationships (e.g., filial piety and familism; Meca et al., 2022) and general tendency for youth to gravitate towards biculturalism (Huynh et al., 2011; Schwartz et al., 2019). Consistent with recommendations focused on how bicultural youth engage in bicultural negotiation strategies (Meca et al., 2019; West et al., 2017), future research might explore the ways students of color maintain and sustain cultural values and heritage through shifting in the context of identity threats, and at the same time, explore how cultural identity development informs identity shifting.\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR15\", \"CR58\"], \"section\": \"Limitations and Future Directions\", \"text\": \"Second, additional research is needed to explore participants\\u2019 phenomenological understanding of several complex concepts mentioned in the current study (i.e., whiteness, class). Although beyond the scope of the current study and limited by the data, there were several instances in which participants responses appeared to conflate race, class, and space (e.g., education and work were viewed as primarily white and affluent spaces). Future research should further examine how these ideals are perpetuated and adopted, and how culturally diverse individuals make meaning of these concepts and spaces (e.g., Cooper et al., 2022; Seaton, 2022). While this study focused on the experiences of individuals and offers unique insights into the diverse ways individuals navigate their social environment, future research should also explore contexts and structures that may prompt individuals and groups to engage in identity shifting. Additionally, the current study did not examine specific contexts where identity shifting may occur (e.g., peer, romantic partners, work, school, home) or specifically ask participants to identify where shifting may be occurring. It is possible specific forms of identity shifting occur primarily in school and work contexts or with specific groups (e.g., peers, family members, coworkers), and motivations for shifting in these contexts may vary.\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR38\", \"CR23\"], \"section\": \"Limitations and Future Directions\", \"text\": \"Prior research has linked identity shifting to mental and behavioral health (Johnson et al., 2022; Durkee & G\\u00f3mez, 2022). Although the data appear to hint at the potential for social and psychological outcomes (e.g., sense of belonging, acceptance, rejection), it was beyond the scope of the current study to examine the effect of identity shifting on other indicators of health and well-being. Moreover, there appeared to be some important variation in the content of shifts based on ethnicity/race and certain types of shifts may function differently based on ethnicity/race. However, the disproportionate sample sizes by themes did not allow for meaningful statistical comparisons across groups. Additional work is needed to disentangle how these shifts may relate differentially with mental health and other indicators of well-being based on ethnicity/race.\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR41\", \"CR52\", \"CR74\"], \"section\": \"Limitations and Future Directions\", \"text\": \"Based on previous research, mentions of identity shifting around name changes were expected. Research suggests that students may change their names to avoid mispronunciations and microaggressions (Kohli & Sol\\u00f3rzano, 2012; Moore et al., 2020). However, changing one\\u2019s name was only discussed once and thus did not constitute a salient theme in the current study (see Westberg & Loyd, 2023). Future research might explore the frequency of this practice as a form of identity shifting and examine the potential impact of name changes on health and well-being among individuals from culturally marginalized groups.\"}, {\"pmc\": \"PMC9958125\", \"pmid\": \"36790651\", \"reference_ids\": [\"CR8\", \"CR30\", \"CR20\"], \"section\": \"Implications for Practice and Policy\", \"text\": \"The salience of ethnicity/race was evident in participants\\u2019 responses in the current study. Major shifts in the United States and globally around issues of diversity, equity, and inclusion since 2020 have led many institutions and organizations to address the racial climate. For universities, creating campuses of acceptance requires a re-imaging of educational spaces that includes education, training, and professional development for everyone in the ecological system. For instance, universities could use an equity assessment and evaluation process that assesses the conditions for institutions to implement sustainable change (e.g., Byrd, 2019; Harris & Bensimon, 2007). Education and training can allow for faculty, students, and staff to co-create a campus community that supports all students\\u2019 ethnic/racial identities. Based on the current study, training and education should explicitly seek to address and dismantle the reinforcement of whiteness as the standard to eliminate the pressure for minoritized individuals to shift. At the state and government level, polices aimed at reducing discrimination are also needed. Senate Bill 188 in California prohibits discriminatory actions based on hair texture and hairstyles; some have argued that a federal policy in the United States is necessary (Donahoo, 2021). Rather than simply placing burden on individuals to shift, such societal and structural changes are needed to reduce the potential for biased actions and discrimination to occur.\"}]"

Metadata

"{\"issue-copyright-statement\": \"\\u00a9 Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, part of Springer Nature 2023\"}"